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Tackling Traffic Congestion: Extended discussion of the model

Background

METS (MEtropolitan Transport Simulator) is a simulation model of the supply and demand for transport in London.

[By "metropolitan" here, we mean the large urban conurbations such as London, Manchester or Liverpool: such areas usually have a local authority controlling city-wide issues such as fire and transport. We use METS here to simulate transport in London, the biggest metropolitan area of all, but it can be used for any of them].

METS was originally built in the early 1980s for use in the Department of Transport [now part of the Department for Environment, Transport and Regions (DETR)]. At that time, transport policy was very controversial. On the one hand, the Conservative government of the day was strongly committed to low taxation - in particular, to low local taxes - and to using market forces. On the other, many Labour controlled councils were making large cuts in public transport fares - bus travel was free in Sheffield, for instance.

Most controversial of all was the Fares Fare policy introduced by the Greater London Council (GLC) in October 1981 [the GLC was led at the time by Ken Livingstone, the current Mayor of London, but the GLC was abolised in 1986]. Fares Fare cut fares on London buses and the tube by a third, as well as introducing a simpler ticketing scheme. It was paid for by increasing the tax on London properties (a "supplementary rate"). Fares Fare produced an 11% increase in use of buses and the tube, and a fall of about 6% in the use of cars. But the policy was challenged in the courts and declared illegal, with the result that fares rose by over 90% the following March. As a consequence, bus and tube use fell by 15%, and car use increased by 14%.

However, after yet another court case in May 1983, the GLC was able to cut fares by 23%, and introduce further ticketing simplifications (notably Travelcards valid on both buses and tubes; Travelcards are still in use today). After this final swing, public transport use went up by 11% and car use down by 9%. Since these effects were bigger than the effects of the original Fares Fare cuts, some of the change was evidently due to the popularity of the new simpler tickets, rather than just being a response to price cuts.

The following table summarises these changes:

Table 1: Fares Fare

  Oct 1981 Mar 1982 May 1983
Change in average Fares (%) -31 +93 -23
Change in bus and tube use (%) +11 -15 +11
Change in commuting to London by car (%) -6 +14 -9

source: Grayling and Glaister 2000, page 10, from an orginal in Lindsay and Fairhurst (1984).

After all these court battles the Government stepped in, introducing the 1983 Transport Act which took away from Metropolitan Authorities much of their power to set public transport policy. [They went even further in London, removing London Transport completely from local control in 1984, and abolishing the GLC itself four years later].

The 1983 act also required that Local Authorities conduct cost-benefit analyses of any subsidies to public transport. By law, Local Authorites now had to estimate the benefits to public transport users from lower fares and faster journeys as a result of any subsidy they were making, and compare this to the cost of the subsidy. Only if the benefits exceeded the cost was the subsidy to continue. The METS model was developed to equip local authorities to do this.

[For more details on METS, see Grayling and Glaiser (2000), especially appendix 1. p29-]

The METS Model

The METS model is quite complicated inside, but the basic ideas are simple enough. METS is a large computer program which represents London's transport system as a series of inter-related equations. There is an equation, for example, that describes the demand for bus trips as a function of the cost of the journey and the cost of alternatives, such as cars or the tube, and similar equations for the tube, overground trains, cars and taxis. The relations between cost and demand are expressed using the price elasticities you are all familiar with. Here is a table of some of the elasticities used:

Table 2 METS cost elasticities.

  Car Bus Underground
Car -0.30 0.09 0.057
Bus 0.17 -0.64 0.13
Underground 0.056 0.20 -0.50

Source: Grayling and Glaister p35.

Each row here tells us how demand for that form of transport changes as costs change. [fn: these are not quite price elasticites: as we will see below, the costs here are more than just the price of the ticket]. Look at the top row. The first number tells us that the own-price elasticity of demand for car journeys is -0.3, so a 10% rise in car costs will cause a 3% fall in car use. The second number in the first row (0.09) is the cross-price elasticity of demand for car use with respect to bus costs: a 10% increase in bus costs would cause a 0.9% increase in car use, as people switch to using their cars as they become relatively cheaper. The third number (0.057) is the cross-price elasticity of car use with respect to Underground costs: car users seem less responsive to changes in tube costs than bus costs.

From the second row, second column, you can see that buses are rather more responsive to own-cost changes (an own-price elasticity of -0.64, so a 10% cost increase causes a 6% fall in use), and from the third row that the Underground elasticity, at -0.5, is somewhere in-between cars and buses.

Note that all the own-cost elasticities are absolutely less that -1, which implies that total revenues should rise if fares go up (can you see why?).

Where do these elasticities come from? Chiefly, they are estimated using statistical techniques (on data collected from the National Travel Survey, an annual survey of transport use). These techniques are just clever versions of the linear regression techniques that those of you who have studied statistics will probably have come across. Ironically, the Fares Fare policy changes described above, with their huge swings in costs and use over quite a short period, provided an excellent natural experiment to get started. (As an exercise, see if you can work out the elasticities implied in table 1; are they the same as in table 2? Why might this be?).

Much of the complexity in METS comes from the need to accurately measure costs. The costs of making a journey are not just the price of the bus ticket or of your car's petrol. Your time is worth something, too. In METS, as in most cost-benefit analysis, the cost of a hour of someone's time is measured by their hourly wage rate. Average hourly wage rates for people using different modes of transport can be estimated using the National Travel Survey. Table 3 shows the values used in METS.

Table 3

Value of time per person for different modes of transport (£s per hour)

Car Bus Tube Overground Rail Taxi
6.0 3.42 5.52 6.0 9.69

Source: Grayling and Glaister p35

This shows that people who use the Tube are estimated to have higher wages on average than people who use buses, but taxi users have higher wages than either. So, for example, keeping a tube train with 100 people in it stuck in a tunnel for an hour (as happened to one of the authors recently) imposes a time cost in METS of £552 (£5.52x100), whereas keeping a bus with 50 people stuck for an hour has a time cost of £171 (£3.42x50).

In METS, the length of a journey depends on waiting and boarding times for public transport (how long you have to wait before a non-full bus or train turns up, and then how long it takes you to get on) and average traffic speeds. Fares, waiting times and traffic speeds are inter-related in quite complex ways. For example, consider a bus fare cut. This will increase the demand for buses and reduce the demand for alternative modes of transport, which should increase average speeds, since there will be fewer cars on the road (and so roads are less congested). Consequently, you may get to your destination faster, but in some circumstances you might have longer boarding and waiting times, since the buses will be fuller and you might not be able to get on the next one.

METS models the effect of all such relationships simultaneously. Try just changing bus fares, for example: this will affect almost every variable in the output. You will see changes not merely to bus use, but to the use of all other modes of transport, to average speeds, and to costs (both time costs and money costs).

Although METS was developed almost 20 years ago, it has been updated several times since, most recently in 2000, when it was used to produce a report (Grayling and Glaister (2000) on the policy options available to the new Mayor of London. This is the version of the model used here.

Cost-benefit analysis often takes other forms of cost into account, too, such as pollution and the costs of accidents. However, these are not calculated in METS, mainly because of the lack of suitable data.

REFERENCES:

Grayling T and Glaister S (2000), "A New Fares Contract for London" (Institute for Public Policy Research)

Lindsay J and Fairhurst MH (1984), "The London Transport fares experience (1980-1983)" London Transport, Economic Research Report R259.

Additional reading:

Glaister S "The economic assessment of global transport subsidies in large cities", in Grayling T (ed) "Any more fares?", (Institute for Public Policy Research, 2001, ISBN 1 86030 143 7)

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:

Tony Grayling and Stephen Glaister, authors of "A New Fares Contract for London" (Institute for Public Policy Research, 2000, ISBN 1 86030 100 2).

Stephen Glaister developed the model. He reserves all rights.

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